Who can afford to become an artist? 

Talent has long been at the heart of how we imagine artistic success. Whether in dance, theatre, music or visual arts, we like to believe that dedication, creativity and hard work are what ultimately determine who succeeds.

Yet for many aspiring artists, talent is only part of the equation.

Before stepping onto a stage, performing in an orchestra or joining a theatre company, artists often spend years investing in training, equipment, healthcare, auditions and travel. A dancer may need to buy pointe shoes every few weeks, pay for regular classes to maintain their level, travel across the country for auditions and cover the costs of physiotherapy or osteopathy after injuries. These expenses accumulate long before stable employment becomes a reality.

Unlike many professions, these costs are usually borne by individuals long before they can expect a stable income. In a sector that frequently celebrates meritocracy, an uncomfortable question emerges:

Who can actually afford to become an artist today ?

This is not an argument that talent no longer matters. Rather, it is an invitation to examine how the financial realities of artistic careers shape who is able to stay in the profession long enough for that talent to be recognised.

The hidden cost of becoming an artist

For many people, the cost of an artistic career begins long before the first professional contract.

A young dancer may spend years attending conservatories, intensive workshops or pre-professional programmes. An aspiring actor might invest in acting classes, coaching sessions and showcase performances. Musicians often face years of private lessons alongside formal education.

And graduation rarely marks the end of these expenses.

Professional dancers continue taking classes several times a week to maintain their technical level. Singers work with vocal coaches. Actors attend workshops and masterclasses. In many artistic fields, continuous training is not a choice but a professional necessity.

The paradox is striking: artists are expected to constantly improve and stay employable, yet much of this professional development must be financed personally.

This observation echoes the work of Angela McRobbie in Be Creative: Making a Living in the New Culture Industries. McRobbie argues that creative professions are often driven by passion, self-investment and project-based work, encouraging individuals to accept significant uncertainty in pursuit of artistic fulfilment. In this context, continuous investment in one’s career can become an implicit requirement of creative work itself.

For many performers, professional training itself can represent a significant financial investment. Beyond public conservatories, many aspiring dancers and actors enrol in specialised programmes, junior companies, intensive workshops or international training schemes. While these opportunities can provide valuable experience and networks, they also create barriers for those who cannot afford the associated costs.

In other words, artistic careers often require substantial investment before they generate consistent income.

audencia-business-school-violoniste

Violinist playing their instrument

When the body becomes the tool

Artists do not only invest in skills. They also invest in their tools.

For dancers, the body itself is the primary instrument of work.

Maintaining that instrument comes at a cost:

  • physiotherapy;
  • osteopathy;
  • injury prevention;
  • strength training;
  • recovery sessions;
  • specialised nutrition (sometimes)

These expenses are rarely visible to audiences, yet they are fundamental to a dancer’s ability to work.

Other disciplines face similar challenges. Musicians must maintain and insure instruments. Actors often need professional headshots, showreels and self-taping equipment. Singers may invest in recording sessions and coaching.

Unlike many traditional workplaces where employers provide equipment, artists frequently bear these costs themselves.

The result is a professional environment where remaining ready for opportunities requires continuous financial investment.

audencia-business-school-osteopathe

Close-up of manual back therapy, featuring myofascial treatment and pain relief.

Why location and mobility shape artistic careers

Financial barriers are not only linked to training or equipment.

They are also geographical.

In France, many artistic opportunities remain concentrated in Paris. Auditions, agencies, production companies, major theatres and professional networks are often located in the capital.

For an artist living elsewhere, this creates additional challenges.

A dancer based in Nantes may need to travel to Paris multiple times for auditions. A singer from Toulouse may have to pay for transportation, accommodation and meals simply to attend a casting that lasts a few minutes.

Relocation is often presented as the obvious solution. Yet moving to Paris without stable employment is increasingly difficult given housing costs and rental requirements.

This creates a paradox.

Artists are encouraged to be geographically close to opportunities while simultaneously working in one of the most financially unstable sectors of the economy.

Talent may be distributed across the country, but opportunities are not.

audencia-business-school-Tour-Eiffel. (c) Blanche Le Chauff de Kerguenec

Eiffel Tower from a low-angle perspective, in black and white, captured on film by Blanche Le Chauff de Kerguenec

Who can afford to stay?

Perhaps the most overlooked aspect of artistic careers is not the cost of training or mobility.

It is the cost of waiting.

Artistic success rarely happens immediately.

Many performers spend years navigating temporary contracts, occasional opportunities and periods of unemployment before achieving stability. During this time, they must continue paying rent, maintaining their skills and financing their professional activity.

Imagine two dancers graduating from the same school with comparable technical abilities.

The first has access to family support and can afford several years of uncertainty.

The second must quickly secure a stable income to cover living expenses.

Both may have the same talent.

Yet only one may be able to remain available for auditions, unpaid rehearsals or short-term contracts over an extended period.

This raises an important question.

Are artistic careers selecting only the most talented individuals, or are they also selecting those who can financially withstand years of uncertainty?

The issue is not that success can be bought. Rather, economic stability can influence how long an individual remains in the competition.

At this point, the debate moves beyond personal choices and into broader questions of inequality. Sociologist Pierre Bourdieu’s theory of cultural capital offers a useful framework for understanding why some individuals are better positioned than others to pursue artistic careers over the long term. According to Bourdieu, individuals do not enter professional life with the same resources. Beyond economic means, access to cultural knowledge, networks and educational opportunities can significantly shape life trajectories. Two artists may possess the same talent, yet not the same capacity to transform that talent into a sustainable career because they do not start with the same forms of capital.

And in a profession where persistence is often crucial, that matters.

What does this mean for diversity in the arts?

At first glance, the financial realities of artistic careers may seem like an individual problem.

In reality, they have broader implications for the cultural sector.

If pursuing an artistic career requires significant financial resources, some talented individuals may leave the profession earlier than others. This means that certain social backgrounds, regions or communities may become underrepresented within artistic institutions.

The consequences extend beyond individual careers.

They affect whose stories are told.

Whose perspectives are represented.

Whose voices reach audiences.

In recent years, cultural organisations have increasingly committed themselves to diversity and inclusion. Yet discussions often focus on representation once artists have already entered the sector.

Perhaps we should also examine the barriers that exist before artists ever reach the stage.

This question also resonates with discussions around so-called “industry plants”. As explored in Audencia Culture’s article The Problem with the Industry Plant: Why We Hate Curated Success audiences are often uncomfortable when hidden advantages behind artistic success become visible. Yet financial inequalities may shape careers much earlier, long before audiences even discover those artists. Rather than focusing solely on who succeeds, we should also ask who gets the chance to remain in the industry in the first place.

Because diversity is not only about who gets hired.

It is also about who can afford to stay long enough to be hired.

A challenge for cultural management

For students and professionals in cultural management, these questions should not be viewed as external to the sector.

They are management issues.

How accessible are recruitment processes?

Are there ways to better support emerging artists from outside major cultural centres?

Can organisations reduce some of the hidden costs associated with entering the profession?

These questions are increasingly relevant as cultural and creative industries face major workforce challenges. According to UNESCO, cultural and creative industries are among the world’s largest employers of young people, yet many cultural workers continue to face unequal access to training opportunities, skills development and decent working conditions. Supporting artistic careers is therefore not only a question of fairness, but also of sustaining the future creative workforce.

There are no simple answers, even less so with the budget cuts to culture.

Cultural organisations cannot solve every social inequality.

However, recognising that economic barriers shape artistic careers is an important first step.

If the sector genuinely values diversity, inclusion and equal opportunity, then access to artistic careers deserves as much attention as artistic outcomes themselves.

Graceful ballerina in a white tutu stretching on a dark stage.

Conclusion

Because when becoming an artist increasingly depends on financial endurance, the issue is no longer individual. It becomes a question about the future diversity, accessibility and sustainability of the cultural sector itself.

At the same time, it would be unrealistic to place the responsibility entirely on cultural organisations. Across Europe, and particularly in France, many cultural institutions are themselves facing growing financial pressures and public funding cuts. Their ability to provide additional support is therefore often limited.

Nevertheless, the first step may simply be recognising these realities. Understanding the hidden costs of artistic careers, acknowledging the sacrifices they require, and ensuring that artists are treated with dignity and respect are essential if the sector wishes to remain both sustainable and inclusive.

As cultural economist David Throsby argues, culture creates value far beyond its economic impact. If artists generate a cultural value that benefits society as a whole, then perhaps the question is not only who can afford to become an artist, but also how society chooses to value those who do.

If the cultural sector wishes to reflect the diversity of the society it serves, the question is not only how we support artistic creation, but also who has the means to become a creator in the first place.

Written by Blanche Le Chauff de Kerguenec

“Picture of the floating world”, the art of ukiyo-e

Reserved for Buddhist seals and images for centuries, ukiyo-e is a genre of Japanese art that emerged and flourished from the 17th through 19th centuries. The term ukiyo-e translates as “picture of the floating world”. Produced on woodblock prints, its artists represented subjects as female beauties; kabuki actors and sumo wrestlers; scenes from history and folk tales; travel scenes and landscapes; flora and fauna; and erotica.

Utagawa Kuniyoshi, Monk Nichiren in Exile on Sado Island, Art Institute of Chicago

Short history of ukiyo-e

In the 17th century, Japanese woodblock print grew more popular in the chōnin class (merchants, craftsmen and workers) who had become wealthy enough to afford to decorate their home. The earliest ukiyo-e artists started in the world of Japanese painting, inspired from yamato-e style to outline forms which allowed inks to be dripped on a wet surface and spread out towards the outlines.

In response to the increasing demand for ukiyo-e works, the first ukiyo-e woodblock prints were produced by Hishikawa Moronobu (1618-1694). The success led the artist to begin signing his work. He produced illustrations, not just for books, but as single-sheet images, which could stand alone or be used as part of a series.

Hishikawa Moronobu, Traveling party, Rijskmuseum

At first, the prints were monochromatic and colours were gradually introduced but used only for special commissions in the beginning. Using colours became standard with the success of Suzuki Harunobu’s (1724-1770) brocade prints in the 1760s. Adding colours to prints means carving a different shape on wood for each colour and then various version of the same print can exist with variation of colour. Usually, woodblocks for printing were not carved by artists, the production was divided between four actors:

  • the artist, who designed the prints;
  • the carver, who cut the woodblocks;
  • the printer, who inked and pressed the woodblocks onto handmade paper;
  • the publisher, who financed, promoted, and distributed the works.

Suzuki Harunobu, Young Lady with lantern, Rijskmuseum

Between the 18th century and the 19th century, numerous masters of ukiyo-e created portraits, landscapes. For example, some of the most well-known works of this Japanese art are the series of woodblock prints The Great Wave off Kanagawa by Katsushika Hokusai (1760-1849) and The Fifty-three Stations of the Tōkaidō by Utagawa Hiroshige (1797-1858). These two masters are central in the perception of Japanese art by the West and the trend of Japonisme became prominent and had an influence on early French Impressionists such as Edgar Degas, Édouard Manet and Claude Monet, as well as influencing Post-Impressionists such as Vincent van Gogh and Henri de Toulouse-Lautrec.

Katsushika Hokusai, The Great Wave off Kanagawa, Rijskmuseum

Utagawa Hiroshige, The Great Bridge at Sanjō, from the series Fifty-Three Stations of the Tōkaidō, The Metropolitan Museum of Art

After the deaths of these two masters and due to the technological and social modernization that followed the Meiji Restoration of 1868, this art declined. But, in the 20th century, the shin-hanga (“new prints”) and sōsaku-hanga (“creative prints”) revived Japanese printmaking. One of the most famous artist of this time is Kawase Hasui (1883-1957).

Sometimes the same name comes back between two Japanese artists. This is often a master and its apprentice that reused the name with “II” after. This is the case for Utagawa Hiroshige (1797-1858) and Utagawa Hiroshige II (1826-1869).

Specific terms of this art

Ukiyo-e is the generic name of woodblock prints but there are other Japanese terms to describe in a more specific ways artworks according to the subject, the orientation and the size of the work. These three categories can be attributed to ukiyo-e. When ukiyo-e prints are assembled in a book of illustrations, such as the volume Thirty-Six Views of Mount Fuji, by Hokusai, the book is called e-hon.

Firstly, there is a non-exhaustive list of name according to the subject represented on the print:

  • Bijin-ga, represents attractive female characters;
  • Yakusha-e, translates in “actor prints”, it is about kabuki actors;
  • Kachō-e, translates in “flower and bird pictures”, it represents nature prints and landscapes, Ohara Koson, also written Shoson or Hoson, is the master of kachō-e woodblock print with a large number of prints on birds, nature and other animals;

Ohara Koson, Great Egret in a storm, kachō-e, Rijksmuseum

  • Fūkei-ga, represents landscape paintings where nature is as a state of mind;
  • Yokohama-e, foreign characters and scenes in the port of Yokahama, the name comes from the name of the city that was the primary foreign settlement after 1859;
  • Surimono, prints that include a five-line kyōka poem in the design;

Utagawa Kunisada, Crab walks along the water, surimono, Rijksmuseum

  • Uchiwa-e, printed hand fans.

In terms of orientation, there are only two possibilities: tate-e (“portrait” orientation) and yoko-e (“landscape” orientation). The more frequent one is tate-e except in the specific format of ōban fūkei-ga by Hokusai and by Hiroshige which used most of the time yoko-e orientation.

Isoda Koryusai, Dragon and tiger, tate-e, Art Institute of Chicago

Utagawa Hiroshige II, A journey along the Sumida River, yoko-e, The Metropolitan Museum of Art

The format of ukiyo-e depends on the paper they were printed on. The more used ones are the ōban (around 37 × 25 cm) and the chūban (around 25 × 19 cm). The different formats have variable dimensions according to the sources, so it can change about centimetres this is why this part will contain approximations. It may also not be an exhaustive list:

  • Ōban, mesures around 37 to 38 × 25,5 cm;
  • Ō-ōban, means “big ōban“ and is larger than the classic with around 58 × 32 cm;
  • Chūban, around 25 to 26 × 17 to 19 cm;
  • Chūtanzaku, approximately 36 × 13 cm;
  • Yatsugiri, a rare format that is half a chūban, and measures around 19 × 13 cm;
  • Aiban, about 34 × 23 cm, quite rare size between ōban and chūban;
  • Koban, corresponds to half an aiban, is roughly 23 × 17 cm;
  • Hosoban, a rare and narrow format around 33 × 14,5 to 22 cm, commonly used in older woodblock prints of actors in the 18th century and used for kacho-ga prints in the 19th century;
  • Hashira-e, long and really narrow print to be hung on the pillars of a house, measures around 70 × 12 cm;
  • Kakemono-e, scrolls hung vertically on a wall, long and rather narrow, often consists of two ōban-sized prints one above the other to form a diptych;
  • Mameban, measures around 12 × 8 cm, sometimes nicknamed “toy printing”;
  • Ōtansaku, about 37 × 17 cm;
  • Shikishiban, around 21 × 18 cm, ofter used for surimono prints;
  • Nagaban, approximately 20 × 50 cm.

 Finding Everything in Nothing

A Normandy road trip through Monet’s landscapes and changing light

A road trip through Normandy

I have just returned from one of the most unusual trips of my life, not because I went somewhere particularly strange, far from home, tropical or exotic, but because I visited places and landscapes I had seen a thousand times in paintings by the great Impressionists, but never in real life. I planned a road trip through Normandy, starting in Paris and visiting Rouen, Étretat, Honfleur, Le Havre, Trouville-sur-Mer, Caen, Bayeux and Giverny, all in about five days. Perhaps too few?

I was able to visit all these places in such a short time because, during the trip, I came to the conclusion that there was absolutely nothing to see in most of these towns and villages: you could walk around them in a few hours, have dinner early, and by 9 p.m. there was no one left outside, so you went to bed. Then you woke up the next day and, at 10:30 a.m., the town was still asleep. The shops were closed, perhaps because it was Monday or Tuesday and they only opened at weekends. But wait: there was a café open for breakfast. You went in and you were the only customer.

Perhaps those towns seemed empty to me because I was looking for something to see in a hurry. Once I slowed down, I started noticing everything that changed.

Learning to look

But then why did I enjoy this trip so much? Perhaps it has something to do with a personal inclination that makes me feel, in some ways, close to Monet and the other Impressionist artists of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Monet grew up in Le Havre and settled in Giverny in 1883, where he lived and worked until his death in 1926. There, he created his water garden and its water lilies, which he painted many times. Monet also returned to other subjects, such as haystacks, poplars, the monumental Water Lilies series and Rouen Cathedral. By painting them in series, he could follow changes in light and atmosphere. The places I had come to know through his paintings had become part of my own journey for a few days.

Even when those places seemed asleep, they had something that made me want to stop and look. I think I managed to discover Normandy’s beauty too, not only with my eyes, but with my heart and mind.

The silence, the calm and the feeling that these towns are slightly removed from the world make you want to notice every little detail.

Landscapes I recognised — and saw differently

  In Étretat, I found serenity and depth. A few weeks earlier, at the Musée d’Orsay, I had stopped in front of a Monet painting of the cliffs of Étretat. I had spent a long time looking at the play of light and colour. When I later stood in front of the Manneporte arch, I recognised the landscape, but it was different. The light, the sky and the sea transformed it. The day I visited, there was fog, a fine drizzle was falling and the ground was damp. The colours were not the ones I had admired in the painting: everything looked softer, almost silent. It was still magical, but in a different way.

 The cliffs and natural arch of Étretat beneath a cloudy sky Photo by the author

The little houses around Honfleur’s harbour change colour as the hours pass: beautiful at sunset, lit up, and beautiful in the morning, reflected in the water. Rouen, meanwhile, has a slightly eerie atmosphere in the evening, almost like a horror film. In the morning, it completely changes its face: with its half-timbered houses, it looks almost like a fairytale town.

 Honfleur’s harbour at sunset     Photo by the author

Monet painted Rouen Cathedral several times, capturing it in different conditions: in the morning, under grey light, in full sunshine. I saw it at 7:30 p.m., after sunset, when it was already dark. Looking at his paintings, I understand better that perhaps he was trying to paint not just a cliff or a façade, but what they became at a particular moment.

Small discoveries on the way to Giverny

And then there are the little stone villages you pass through on the way to Giverny. Without Monet, Giverny might have remained like the others: a small village without grand cafés or bistros, where finding somewhere to have breakfast is a challenge. Then, as if by magic, you turn a corner and see a sign saying boulangerie, but you actually find yourself in a small grocery store. On the conveyor belt there was a basket with four pain au chocolat and three croissants. A grandmother and a little girl were leaving. There was no one around, except for a man doing roadworks, there were quite a few of those, and he looked at me a little strangely when I stopped the car to look at the unusual place, at least to me, where I had just arrived.

At Giverny, the pond did not seem as captivating as I had always imagined it from the paintings, with the water lilies in full bloom. What struck me instead was everything around it: Monet’s vast garden, whose full scale I had never really grasped from the paintings.

A rain-speckled flower in the Monet’s garden at Giverny Photo by the author

 The weather was not at its best that day either, but tiny drops of dew glistened on the leaves and flowers around the water. It was almost as if the garden had prepared itself to welcome visitors: clean, fragrant and shining. There were so many flowers, in such a variety of shapes and colours, that the garden seemed like a world of its own, not just a frame for the pond.

Finding everything in nothing

I believe the magic that drew so many artists to these places more than a hundred years ago is still intact. And that fills me with immense joy.

I like to imagine that, for those painters, these places were more than just a flower, a plant, a landscape, a cliff, a little house, a cart on a snowy road or a church. Perhaps they also meant freedom, vastness, all the living species that inhabit nature, diversity and the passing of time. They meant the possibility of seeing something different every time, every day: life.

After so many sunrises and sunsets, the flower you had seen has opened and another has faded; the ocean has risen a little and swallowed the rocks that were there before, so you can no longer see them. If you look up, even the light is different: one day the sky lights us up, the next it cries; it is a little moody, like people. Then there comes a time when it stays gloomy and grey for quite a while, and there is no sign of the sun returning. Everything becomes harder to see, a little blurred, out of focus.

 That is the beauty of finding everything in nothing: never getting bored and being able to paint the same cliff and the same pond fifty times, because every day you notice something new and something new actually happens.

Monet’s obsession

  Monet himself described those landscapes of water and reflections as an obsession. In a 1908 letter to the critic Gustave Geffroy, he wrote: “These landscapes of water and reflections have become an obsession.” In the same letter, he explained that, despite the strain of old age, he still wanted to express what he felt. He continued working on the Water Lilies cycle until his death in 1926. The eight monumental panels at the Orangerie were installed after his death.

One of Claude Monet’s monumental Water Lilies panels at the Musée de l’Orangerie in Paris. Photo by the author

As 2026 marks a century since Monet’s death, I find myself thinking of this journey as a small, unplanned tribute to the painter whose landscapes encouraged me to look more closely at the world around me.

Normandy left me with one thought: no landscape is ever quite the same. Everything keeps changing, and each time someone stops to look, they notice something new.

And that is the wonder of finding everything in nothing.

Written by Bianca

Sources: 

https://www.musee-orsay.fr/it/risorse/repertorio-artisti-personalita/claude-monet-18495

https://www.musee-orangerie.fr/it/programma/agenda/mostre/monet-e-il-tempo

Preserving Monuments or Preserving Meaning? : Buddhism Beyond the Temple Walls

Myanmar

The sound of temple bells, the scent of incense filling temple halls, and the sight of people meditating may be among the first images that come to mind when we think of Buddhist culture. Across Asia, where Buddhism has had a profound cultural influence, these scenes represent more than a mere expression of religious devotion. They are part of cultural identities shaped by generations of art, architecture, and tradition. Yet, behind these graceful symbols lies a question worth exploring: when we preserve cultural heritage, are we also preserving the values that give it meaning?

When Religion Becomes Culture

In many communities, religion extends far beyond the walls of a place of worship. It influences community relationships, artistic expression, and everyday routines. Across parts of Asia, Buddhist temples and pagodas are not only sacred places but also important features of the cultural landscape, connecting contemporary communities across generations.

The temples and pagodas scattered across a vast landscape of Asia, reflecting a history in which Buddhist beliefs helped shape artistic expression and collective life. For visitors, these monuments may inspire wonder at the beauty of the yesteryear. For local communities, they may hold spiritual, historical, and cultural significance. Yet their importance raises a deeper question: if buildings can survive for centuries, how do we ensure that the meanings behind them continue to matter?

Thailand

Beyond Physical Preservation

Cultural heritage is often associated with protecting historic buildings and conserving artworks. Whilst those efforts remain essential, heritage emcompasses more than what can be seen and touched. It also includes the beliefs, traditions, and values that have been passed from one generation to another.

Buddhist practices such as giving alms to monks, traditional festivals rooted in religion, and deep filial piety toward elders illustrate how cultural values integrate into everyday life. These practices may embody generosity, humility, and devotion. Through repeated rituals, values takes visible form and are shared within a community.

However, participating in a cultural tradition and embodying its values are not necessarily the same thing. Visiting a pagoda may express a desire for serenity, but what about our thoughts and behaviour beyond its doors? Offering generosity in a religious setting is meaningful, but do we extend that kindness to others in our daily lives?

These questions do not diminish the importance of rituals or traditions. Rather, they remind us that cultural heritage is continually interpreted through human actions. Preserving a temple can protect an important part of history, but the ethical values associated with it depend on how people interpret them. Stone and brick can preserve a monument for centuries, but compassion must be renewed through everyday choices.

Japan

The Challenge of Keeping Heritage Alive

Preseving heritage means understanding its significance, respecting the related communities, and considering how its meanings can be shared to future generations, alongside protecting historic objects from physical deterioration.

This raises an important question: should cultural heritage remain a symbol of the past, or should it continue to influence how we live in the present?

Cultural heritage is not static. Traditions can be maintained while their meanings evolve in response to changing social realities. Religious buildings can be conserved, traditional crafts can be taught, and rituals can continue to be practised. At the same time, communities can reflect on the values these traditions express and the relevancy of them in contemporary life.

This is particularly important because cultural heritage does not always tell a simple story of harmony. Religious and cultural identities can bring communities together, but they can also become entangled with social divisions, and political conflict. Although Buddhism is often associated with peace and serenity, Myanmar’s history reminds us that a rich religious heritage does not automatically guarantee a peaceful society. Even in a country known for thousands of ancient pagodas and the UNESCO World Heritage Site of Bagan, religious and cultural identity can exist alongside complex political and social realities. Recognising this complexity does not diminish the significance of Buddhist art or tradition. Instead, it encourages a more honest understanding of how culture is inherited, interpreted, and lived.

Bhutan

What Do We Choose to Preserve?

The preservation of cultural heritage lives not only in the longevity of monuments, but in how faithfully we embody its values in our daily lives. The sacred sites of Asia preserve traces of artistic achievement and spiritual devotion. Their continued significance depends not only on their physical condition but also on the stories narrated about them and the ways communities continue to engage with them.

Ultimately, preserving cultural heritage means caring for both its physical forms and its continuing significance. We can restore ancient walls, protect murals, and safeguard traditional practices, but we must also remain curious about the meanings they carry. What values do these traditions express? Whose stories do they preserve? And how can they remain meaningful to future generations?

The most valuable heritage may not simply be what we inherit, but what we choose to understand, share, and carry forward. Perhaps the deeper purpose of cultural preservation is not simply to recreate the past, but to maintain a meaningful relationship between the past and the present.

Written by Ei Pyae Phyo Kyaw

The Bechdel Test : Three Questions to Examine Representation in Film

Is it really that uncommon to see two women having a conversation on screen ? In 1985, American cartoonist Alison Bechdel highlighted a paradox in film : women may be present in real life, yet they remain a minority, or confined to certain roles, in the stories told on screen. From this observation came the Bechdel Test, which has since become a popular tool for examining the place of women in film. But what does it actually measure, and what are its limitations ?

An Idea Born from a Feminist Comic Strip

By Portion of « The Rule » in Dykes Bechdel’s 

Comic and issue by Alison Bechdel, circa 1985

The Bechdel Test first appeared in 1985 in “Dykes to Watch Out For”, a comic strip by American author Alison Bechdel. In a strip titled “The Rule”, two women discuss how they choose which movies to watch. One explains that she only watches movies that meet three simple criteria. She was reportedly inspired by her friend Liz Wallace, as well as by the reflections of writer Virginia Woolf in her 1929 essay “A Room of One’s Own”.

In this book, Virginia Woolf points out, among other things, that female characters in literature are often defined by their relationships with men, even though women could have their own concerns and relationships with one another independent of male characters. This observation echoes what the Bechdel test seeks to highlight in film : Do women have a narrative existence that is not only tied to men ?

Originally, the test was primarily a humorous and critical observation within a feminist comic strip. It was not designed as a scientific tool intended to objectively evaluate films. However, with the rise of the Internet and discussions about the representation of women in the media, it has gradually gained popularity. It has become a simple way to highlight inequalities in representation and to question the choices made by screenwriters, directors, and the film industry.

Three simple but revealing criteria

To pass the Bechdel Test, a film must meet three conditions :

First, it must feature at least two female characters.

Secondly, these two characters must speak to each other.

Thirdly, their conversation must be about something other than a man.

Some versions of the test add that the female characters must have names, but this criterion was not part of the original formulation. The goal, here, remains to determine whether women exist in the narrative for reasons other than their relationship to a male character.

The simplicity of these rules makes the test particularly accessible. It requires neither cinematic expertise nor an in-depth analysis of the screenplay. Yet many popular films fail to meet its criteria. The original “Star Wars” trilogy, for example, is often cited to illustrate the difficulty of bringing together two female characters who talk about something other than a man. Conversely, a film can pass the test with just a single, very brief conversation between two women.

This observation reveals an imbalance. Indeed, for a long time, female characters were often written as love interests, mothers, or supporting characters, while men took on a wider variety of narrative roles. The test therefore encourages us to question not only the roles given to women, but also the topics they are allowed to discuss in the stories told on screen.

A Representation That Is Evolving, but Remains Unequal

The Bechdel Test has helped popularize discussions about the representation of women in film. However, it is just one indicator among many. Quantitative studies provide a better way to measure inequalities in the industry.

@geenadavisorg

A study by the Geena Davis Institute of 120 films released worldwide between 2010 and 2013 found that only 31% of named characters were women. Women accounted for only 23% of protagonists or co-protagonists, and only 7% of the directors of the films studied were women. These figures illustrate the imbalances that have long characterized both women’s presence on screen and their access to creative roles.

However, the situation is changing. Women now play more leading roles in various productions and are more visible in debates about filmmaking. But progress varies by country, film genre, and the specific roles considered. The presence of a female protagonist does not necessarily mean that women are represented in a diverse way. Female characters an still be subject to stereotypes based on their appearance, age, background, or role in the story.

Thus, the Bechdel Test serves as a starting point for reflection, but it is not sufficient to account for all of these issues. To understand inequalities in representation, we must also examine who writes the stories, who directs them, who finances them, and which works ultimately get produced and distributed.

The BechdelTest.com website : a tool that has become collaborative

As the test has gained popularity, online initiatives have made it possible to identify which movies pass it and which do not. The BechdelTest.com website is one of the best-known examples. This collaborative database includes more than 10,000 films and allows users to view ratings, suggest new titles, and participate in analyzing the films.

The website makes the test practical and easy to use. Users can compare films from different eras, identify trends, and discover that some very well-known works do not meet the three criteria. Statistics published by the platform indicate that approximately 57% of the films listed pass the test. However, this figure should be interpreted with caution. Indeed, the database relies on user contributions and does not constitute a representative sample of global film production.

Beyong the statistics, this website helps to raise awareness on this issue and encourages discussions among viewers. It demonstrates how an idea derived from a comic book can become a shared tool for examining cultural representations. Moreover, the test has also been incorporated into professional debates on screenplays and representation policies, although its use does not replace an in-depth analysis of the works themselves.

Passing the test does not mean the movie is feminist

The main limitation of the Bechdel test is what it measures : it assesses the minimum presence of female characters and the existence of a conversation between them, but says nothing about the quality of that representation.

A film can pass the test while still perpetuating misogynistic stereotypes. Two women may, for example, discuss clothes or work for a few seconds, while the rest of the narrative reduces them to secondary characters or portrays them in a derogatory manner. Conversely, a film may fail the test while featuring a complex, autonomous female character who is central to the story.

This is particularly the case with “Gravity”, which primarily follows the character of Ryan Stone, played by Sandra Bullock. The film features a woman at the heart of the narrative, but does not include two female characters who can interact with one another. It therefore fails the test. But this conclusion is not enough to prove that its heroine is poorly written or that the film is sexist.

Sandra Bullock dans le film américain et britannique d’Alfonso Cuaron, « Gravity ». COURTESY OF WARNER BROS. PICTURE

These examples show that the test is not a measure of a film’s quality, nor does it tell us anything about the creators’ intentions. Indeed, it does not take into account the importance of the characters, how they are portrayed, or the complexity of their stories. Hence, a film that passed the test is not necessarily feminist, just as a film that fails it is not necessarily sexist.

The test therefore serves primarily as an indicator. It encourages us to ask further questions : Do the female characters have goals of their own ? Are they defined by anything other than their appearance or romantic relationships ? Do they truly contribute to the plot’s development ? And what diversity of women does cinema portray ?

Beyond the Bechdel Test, Other Tools Exist

The Bechdel Test is not the only tool designed to examine representation in film. Other tests focus on different aspects of diversity and character development.

The Mako Mori Test examines whether a female character has her own narrative arc, independent from the male character. The DuVernay Test examines the representation of people of color and their role in the narrative. The Vito Russo Test, developed by the LGBTQ+ organization GLAAD, examines the representation of LGBTQ+ characters in film and television. Finally, the Riz Test focuses on stereotypes associated with Muslim characters.

These tools do not all address the same questions. Nevertheless, they show that representation is not limited to the number of characters on screen : it also concerns their autonomy, their importance in the story, and the diversity of the roles assigned to them. But to be precise, none of these tests, on its own, can fully capture the complexity of a work.

An Imperfect Test, but Still Useful

Nearly forty years after its creation, the Bechdel Test remains a simple tool for examining the role of women in film. Its strength is precisely in its simplicity : three questions are enough to reveal imbalances that viewers don’t always notice.

However, it cannot determine whether a film is good, feminist, or representative of the diversity of women. Moreover, it doesn’t take into account all aspects of filmmaking, from writing and financing to directing and distribution.

Its values lies in encouraging us to look at films more critically and question the choices behind their stories. Indeed, a simple conversation between two characters raised a broader question : who gets to be at the centre of a story, talk about their own concerns, and exist beyond how others see them ?

Written by Lucie

Sources :

https://geenadavisinstitute.org/?s=Bechdel+test

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bechdel_test#Application

https://nofilmschool.com/bechdel-test

https://bechdeltest.com/#google_vignette

Netflix and the Big Screen: The Economics of Keeping Cinema at Home

Back in 2020, David Fincher released Mank, a black-and-white film about the screenwriter behind Citizen Kane. At a time when Marvel movies were dominating the bow-office, it was the kind of project that Hollywood had increasingly become reluctant to finance: expensive, unconventional… It is made by an acclaimed director, but unlikely to appeal equally to every segment of the audience. Netflix still provided the resources to bring it to life. Yet, despite its ten Oscar nominations, the film received only a release in a limited amount of US theaters before becoming available to subscribers on their TV, laptops and phones.

For some, this was a reasonable compromise. Without Netflix, Mank might never have existed. For others, it illustrated a growing contradiction in the entertainment industry. Streaming platforms are increasingly willing to finance ambitious films, work with some of the world’s greatest directors and compete for the most prestigiousawards. But when it comes to releasing these films in cinemas, their enthusiasm often seems considerably more limited.

Netflix’s Mank by David Fincher

The question is not whether streaming platforms can produce great cinema. They clearly can, and they already did. Nor is it whether audiences should be allowed to watch films at home. Of course they should. The real question is why companies that invest millions in filmmaking are so reluctant to let their films experience the place for which cinema was originally designed: the cinema itself.

From the cinema to the subscription

Founded in 1997, Netflix began as a DVD-rental business before becoming one of the world’s most influential streaming services. Its push into original programming began in earnest with House of Cards in 2013. Instead of depending on Hollywood studios for content, Netflix could now invest directly in its own productions, control their distribution and release them to subscribers in numerous countries at once. Netflix, Amazon and Apple have since become major producers, attracting established filmmakers and challenging the traditional studio system.

But their economic logic is fundamentally different from a studio’s. A traditional studio finances a film, releases it in cinemas, collects a share of ticket revenue, then exploits it through digital rentals, television licensing and streaming. Each window is a source of income, and a successful theatrical release also generates publicity, awards recognition and demand for its distribution afterwards. The studio seeks to maximise the value of each film across several channels.

Netflix’s most important commercial relationship is the one with its subscribers. An original film can be valuable even if it sells no cinema tickets, provided it attracts new subscribers, reduces cancellations or keeps existing customers engaged. Netflix seeks to maximise the value of the subscription itself.

Everything that follows derives from this distinction. The two models are not mutually exclusive: Netflix can release a film in cinemas and then make it available to subscribers. But a theatrical release means negotiating with exhibitors and creating a period during which the film is unavailable to the platform’s own customers. For a business whose main product is immediate access, that delay looks like a cost. The cinema is not Netflix’s natural first market. It is one channel among several, and sometimes one that competes with the platform’s own model.

When great directors become streaming assets

David Fincher is a revealing example. After directing House of Cards and Mindhunter for Netflix, he made Mank and then The Killer. He is now directing The Further miss-adventures of Cliff Booth, written by Quentin Tarantino himself, and starring none other than Brad Pitt. The movie will only receive a theatrical release in US IMAX rooms before arriving on the platform. Compared with the wide rollout a major studio would seek for a film with such renowned casting and production, the cinema release remains really modest.

French poster for Netflix’s The further mis-adventures of Cliff Booth by David Fincher

The arrangement suits Netflix. A filmmaker of Fincher’s stature brings prestige, awards attention and another reason to subscribe.

His reputation becomes an asset of the platform itself.

Fincher is not alone. Alfonso Cuarón’s Roma, Martin Scorsese’s The Irishman, Jane Campion’s The Power of the Dog and Guillermo del Toro’s Pinocchio all show Netflix’s willingness to finance ambitious filmmaking, and several received theatrical screenings and major awards recognition. So the issue is not that Netflix absolutely refuses cinemas. It is that theatrical distribution is treated as a selective prestige and promotional opportunity, not as an essential part of a film’s commercial life.

The economics of keeping films at home

At first glance, a limited theatrical release looks irrational. Why spend tens or hundreds of millions on a film and then restrict how many people can see it on the big screen?

Because a studio spending $80 million on production and $30 million on marketing needs ticket sales, premium video-on-demand and licensing to recover its investment, whereas streaming platforms do not need each film to pay for itself at the box office. A production contributes to the perceived value of an entire catalogue.

The difficulty is that this contribution is hard to isolate. If a subscriber watches The Irishman, is it because of Scorsese’s huge reputation, the marketing, the convenience, or simply because they already pay for Netflix? Would they have cancelled without it? Netflix knows how many people watched a film and for how long, but not how many subscriptions it independently created or retained. That makes the value of a single production far less transparent than a box-office result.

This matters because streaming companies must allocate enormous budgets efficiently. If a film attracts attention but does little for retention, executives have reason not to repeat it. And skipping a wide theatrical release removes a visible commercial signal: whether audiences will pay, individually, to see the film. Box office is not a measure of artistic quality, but it shows that people valued a film enough to make a separate purchase.

The criteria change accordingly. Instead of asking whether a film can sustain a theatrical career, executives ask whether it can justify its place in the catalogue. That is not necessarily a bad business decision. It is simply a different one, with different consequences for cinema.

A theatrical release creates value that goes beyond ticket sales

It builds an audience. A cinema launch generates reviews, interviews, press coverage and word of mouth, and can turn a film into a cultural event instead of a title on a streaming homepage. On a platform, thousands of titles compete on one screen, ranked by algorithms and commercial priorities, and a new release can disappear beneath the next wave within days. A film can be technically available to millions of subscribers and still be invisible: it can win awards, accumulate viewing hours and vanish from public conversation within weeks. Cinemas do not guarantee an audience but they give every movie an additional chance to find one gradually, through a visibility that does not depend on a private company’s recommendation system.

It sustains an ecosystem. Cinemas employ staff, bring audiences into city centres and support surrounding businesses. Independent cinemas depend on a varied program of smaller productions, international films, documentaries and first features. Not every film needs a nationwide release; some suit a handful of specialist cinemas or begin at festivals. If theatrical releases concentrate on a few blockbusters while ambitious mid-budget productions go almost exclusively to streaming, the industry loses part of the infrastructure that lets different kinds of films coexist.

It offers an experience. A large screen, a carefully designed sound environment and a shared audience change how a film is felt: a comedy is funnier when a room reacts together, a suspense sequence more intense when strangers share the same uncertainty. Watching at home has its own advantages: it is cheaper, more convenient and accessible to people far from cinemas, and it is not inherently inferior. The problem arises when skipping cinemas is driven less by audience preference than by the commercial priorities of the company controlling distribution. Audiences then never get to choose, and convenience becomes the framework in which every other option is judged.

This is where the word content matters. It describes whatever fills a catalogue, holds attention and can be optimized against commercial objectives. Cinema has always been both an industry and an art form. Hollywood has always pursued profit, and a streaming exclusive is not automatically lesser art. The risk is that the objectives of distribution come to outweigh the conditions that let cinema flourish, and that the theatrical experience becomes a privilege reserved for franchises and directors whose names guarantee a return.

The Warner Bros. Discovery example

Netflix’s acquisition of Warner Bros. threatens Paramount

The debate became a hot button issue during Netflix’s pursuit of Warner Bros. Discovery. In late 2025 and early 2026, Netflix pursued a transaction involving Warner Bros. Discovery’s film and television studios and streaming operations, raising an immediate question: what would happen to one of Hollywood’s most prominent and historical theatrical distributors if it was bought by a company whose core business was streaming?

Netflix argued the deal could create value for audiences, creators and the wider industry, and sought to address concerns about cinemas. In early 2026, co-CEO Ted Sarandos indicated that Netflix would commit to a 45-day theatrical window for Warner Bros. films. A window sets how long a film remains exclusive to cinemas before reaching other channels, and 45 days would have been a clearer commitment than the limited releases associated with many Netflix originals.

Yet a promise about windows does not settle everything. How many films would get wide releases? How much would be spent on theatrical marketing? Would smaller productions receive the same support as franchises? The concern was not that Netflix would close cinemas overnight, but that the priorities of a subscription platform might gradually reshape the decisions of a major studio.

In the end, the deal never became that test. In February 2026, Warner Bros. Discovery determined that Paramount Skydance’s revised proposal was superior. Yet the episode remains revealing. For decades, the theatrical release was the foundation of the Hollywood business model. Today its place is uncertain enough that it can become a negotiating point in a multibillion-dollar transaction.

The consequences for filmmakers and cinema workers

For established filmmakers, platforms offer financing, creative freedom and access to international audiences. A director whocannot secure a traditional studio deal may find a platform willing to back a project conventional executives consider too risky, or not worthy of a theatrical release. Streaming has helped finance films that might otherwise never have been made.

But financing is not the same as a sustainable theatrical career. A film can be completed, released worldwide and well reviewed without creating meaningful work across the distribution and exhibition network, from cinemas and independent distributors to specialist publicists. The effect is also uneven. Del Toro and Scorsese can attract attention wherever their next film appear, but less established directors depend far more on theatrical reviews, festival screenings and box-office results to show that their work finds an audience, and to secure the next project.

When access to financing and access to audiences are controlled by the same few companies, bargaining power shifts away from filmmakers. The problem is not that platforms will deliberately suppress diversity, but that their commercial incentives favor certain kinds of content and make others harder to justify.

Conclusion : a film deserves more than a place on a homepage

Streaming has opened opportunities for filmmakers and given audiences access to works that might otherwise have remained out of reach. The old system was never free of commercial pressure either. The answer is neither to force every production into a nationwide release nor to demand that platforms abandon the business models that made their investments possible. It is to keep several ways for films to find audiences and for filmmakers to build careers.

A 45-day window, like the one Netflix discussed for Warner Bros., could help. But it is only part of the answer: the number of films released, the marketing behind them and the diversity of what reaches cinemas matter just as much. Success should not bejudged only by tickets sold, hours viewed or subscribers retained. Those figures describe commercial performance, not cultural value. Platforms can finance films, own their rights and decide how prominently they appear. What they cannot guarantee is that a film will mean something to an audience. That is why the cinema still matters: some films are worth leaving the house for.

Written by Thomas

Fog Sculpture: How Fujiko Nakaya Redefines What a Sculpture Can Be

Try to picture a sculpture. You are probably imagining bronze, marble or steel — something solid, permanent, made to outlast the hand that shaped it. Now imagine a sculpture that dissolves while you are still looking at it. That is the paradox at the heart of the work of Fujiko Nakaya, the Japanese artist who has been sculpting fog since 1970. Her fog sculptures have no fixed shape, no stable outline and no permanent place in the catalogue of art history. Nobody has ever seen the same Nakaya work twice, because wind, humidity and temperature rewrite it in real time. She is, in other words, the perfect counter-example to everything we think a sculpture should be.

Fujiko Nakaya’s fog sculpture Cloud #07156 filling the Rotunda of the Bourse de Commerce – Pinault Collection, Paris.

A Father Who Studied Snow, a Daughter Who Sculpts Fog

Fujiko Nakaya was born in Sapporo, Hokkaido, in 1933. Her father, Ukichiro Nakaya, was a physicist who became the first person in the world to create artificial snow crystals — a scientist of snow who raised an artist of fog. After studying in the United States, she joined Experiments in Art and Technology (E.A.T.), the collective that brought artists and engineers together. In 1970, at the Osaka World Expo, she designed a fog installation for the Pepsi Pavilion, and a new sculptural medium was born.

Over the past five decades, more than eighty fog installations have been realised across dozens of countries, from Showa Kinen Park in Tachikawa, Tokyo to the Guggenheim Museum in Bilbao.In 2023 she received the Wolf Prize in Arts, one of the most prestigious international awards in contemporary art — a late but well-deserved coronation for an artist in her nineties who is still creating.

Foggy Forest, 1992, at Showa Kinen Park, Tachikawa, Tokyo. (Courtesy of Fujiko Nakaya, photo: Shigeo Ogawa)

She Does Not Design Fog. She Designs the Conditions of Fog

The real question is not how she makes fog, but what she is actually making. Traditional sculpture tames a material into a fixed form, and the work exists because it has been fixed. Nakaya reverses this logic: she never designs the shape of the fog. She designs the conditions under which fog can happen — the position of the nozzles, the pressure of the water, the way the vapour enters a space. Once the work is switched on, wind, humidity, temperature and the movement of visitors all continue to rewrite it. She sets a rule, not a result; she designs a behaviour, not an object.

This is the meaning of “negative sculpture”. Rather than shaping a form, she shapes a relationship — between material and environment, between the work and its audience, between order and impermanence. The fog is not a controlled material but a participant in the completion of the work. What she truly challenges is not the material itself, but our definition of what a work of art is. Why should a sculpture be fixed? Must the artist be the only person who decides what a work finally looks like? A great work often begins with a question worth redefining, not with a new technology — and Nakaya has spent a lifetime proving it.

A Date with a Cloud: Cloud #07156 at the Bourse de Commerce

On 20 August 2026, I walked into the Bourse de Commerce – Pinault Collection in Paris, the former stock exchange transformed into a museum, to meet the fog in person. Cloud #07156, a new work created for the exhibition Clair-obscur, was occupying the heart of the building: the central Rotunda.

The moment I entered the Rotunda, dense white fog rushed towards me. One second I could still read the lines of Tadao Ando’s fair-faced concrete; the next, the world had been wiped to a blank white. Light falling from the dome was cut into countless shards by the vapour, floating and bending in the air. Your eyes lose focus: silhouettes three steps away dissolve, and all you can hear is the sound of footsteps and the soft hiss of rising mist. An orderly museum becomes a space in which to get lost — and, strangely, a space in which to take risks. When the fog finally lifts, everyone returns from their loss of focus, and strangers exchange glances as if they had just shared a small adventure.

From the second-floor walkway, however, the experience inverts. Visitors watch the whole scene from above, like gods contemplating a landscape that never stops shifting. On the ground floor you are immersed; on the upper level you observe. The same work is experienced as two entirely different times.

From the second-floor walkway: Cloud #07156 seen from above, where visitors on the ground floor are swallowed by the fog — the same work, experienced as two entirely different times.

Three Hundred Years of Architecture in One Rotunda

That tension is rooted in the building itself. The foundations of the Rotunda go back to the 16th century, when the palace of Catherine de Medici stood on this site; a single surviving column still rises inside the building. Between 1763 and 1767, the architect Nicolas Le Camus de Mézières built a circular grain exchange, the Halle aux blés, to store wheat for the city of Paris. In the early 19th century, after a series of fires, the architect François-Joseph Bélanger rebuilt the dome in 1813 with a ground-breaking cast-iron structure — the first long-span cast-iron frame ever erected. Then, between 1885 and 1889, the architect Henri Blondel transformed the building into the Bourse de Commerce, glazing the dome and painting a circular frieze around the hall celebrating global trade. In 1889, the year of the Universal Exhibition, it opened as the Paris stock exchange.

In 2021, Tadao Ando inserted a fair-faced concrete cylinder, about thirty metres in diameter and nine metres high, into the old circular hall — a perfect geometric plug that divides the building in two: the ceremonial Rotunda inside the cylinder, and a continuous ring corridor between the cylinder and the historic walls. Straight lines, right angles, exact geometry: Ando’s concrete is a pure confession of certainty.

A Conversation Between Certainty and Impermanence

And so the exhibition becomes a carefully staged dialogue. On the ground floor, Nakaya dissolves Ando’s certainty with ultimate impermanence: the concrete edges are softened into contours that drift and breathe. On the upper level, Ando’s corridor becomes a rational grandstand that frames Nakaya’s impermanence into a flowing picture. Hard and soft, permanence and change, construction and evaporation — the two artists complete each other.

Looking back over her career, from Fog Sculpture #08025 (F.O.G.) outside the Guggenheim Museum Bilbao in 1998 to Cloud #07156 in Paris, Nakaya has always used the lightest, most perishable medium to ask questions about nature and humanity, the ephemeral and the eternal. Her works cannot be stored in a warehouse; they cannot be preserved. And yet they are remembered far more vividly than many fixed sculptures, because every visitor becomes part of a work that is never finished. She reminds us that sculpture does not have to be permanent, just as beauty does not have to be solid. Some things stay with us precisely because they cannot be grasped.

Glacier Falls – Greenland, 2017–18, at the Forum of Maison Hermès, Ginza, Tokyo. (Courtesy of Fujiko Nakaya, video still: Noriko Koshida)

Article written by Yunan Jiang

When Formula 1 Becomes a Cultural Spectacle 

Podium ceremony with fireworks at the Saudi Arabia Grand Prix (© Getty Images/Red Bull Content Pool) 

A race that begins before the start 

Twenty-two cars on the starting grid, engines roaring, ready to go as soon as the lights go out. Millions of spectators, in the stands or in front of their TVs, hearts pounding.  

A Formula 1 race is about to begin. 

But let’s take a step back. Formula 1 is no longer just a competition among the world’s best cars and drivers. This sport has become much more: a true spectacle in which the drivers are the main actors and the track is the stage. For many spectators, the result alone isn’t enough; what really gets their hearts racing is following the glamorous life in the paddock, just as one would follow a reality TV show. 

So, how does Formula 1 create such an experience? To understand how this high-level sport has evolved into a full-scale spectacle, we first need to look at what happens around the track, where the Grand Prix becomes an event designed to entertain spectators from the moment they arrive. 

When sport becomes a spectacle 

While Formula 1 was once a sporting competition where sheer speed and the incredible engineering of the cars mattered more than anything else, it has gradually become an entire cultural experience, a form of entertainment like any other. From the moment spectators enter the circuit, they become part of an environment where every element contributes to their overall experience. 

In fact, the circuit itself becomes a stage. Giant screens all around the track, sound systems, branded spaces, huge fan zones and pre-race ceremonies all contribute to creating an atmosphere that extends beyond the actual race. 

At some Grand Prix weekends, internationally renowned artists are invited to the fan zone to entertain the large crowds between sessions. At these events, the headliners of these concerts serve both to attract an even larger and more diverse audience and to capitalize on the excitement generated to further enhance the reputation of the host circuit. Indeed, circuits are tasked not only with organizing the Grand Prix from a sporting perspective but also with managing everything that happens around it – particularly the spectator experience, which is becoming increasingly demanding in terms of entertainment. It’s essential to keep fans, who sometimes travel from far away, happy and satisfied, while keeping in mind that they’ll share their feedback on social media, which can significantly influence the circuit’s renown. 

Billy Joel during the Formula 1 USGP at Circuit of The Americas on October 23, 2021 in Austin, Texas (© Getty Images/Rick Kern) 

This transformation also changes the way a Grand Prix is conceived: not simply a sporting event to attend, but a weekend experience to be planned, promoted and remembered. The race is only one part of a much larger program, and the success of a Grand Prix depends on how all these different elements come together to create a coherent entertaining event. 

We could take this comparison even further by looking at this sport more broadly. For example, much like a theatre troupe touring a country from one theatre to another to perform the same play each time, Formula 1 travels from one country to another across nearly every continent, and each race weekend (about twenty from March through December) always unfolds in the same way. The free practice sessions serve as rehearsals to prepare for Saturday’s qualifying and Sunday’s race. Thus, the race weekends unfold like a perfectly choreographed ritual. 

From motorsport to popular culture 

If the Grand Prix has become a spectacle in its own right, Formula 1’s cultural influence extends far beyond race weekends. Through streaming platforms, social media and all sorts of digital content, this sport has gradually found its way into the everyday lives of audiences who might never have considered themselves motorsport fans. Formula 1 is no longer just about watching the races at each Grand Prix, but it can also mean following a driver’s journey, watching behind-the-scenes videos, engaging with the sport’s online community, buying merchandise from the teams or drivers, etc. 

In a way, this was already the case in the days of Senna or Schumacher, who were public figures closely followed by the media. But with the rise of social media, the teams have embraced this new medium and, in doing so, have added an extra layer of entertainment. Through this, they ensure that the show goes on even outside of race weekends, thereby forging a very strong connection with fans by portraying the drivers as approachable and likable people whom fans enjoy following for their personalities, beyond their racing results. Even though fans are well aware of the marketing strategy behind the many videos shared (though some may not be), they remain just as eager to follow this content, especially when it features their favorite driver(s). 

The 2025 Global F1 Fan Survey, conducted by Formula 1 and Motorsport Network, gathered more than 100,000 responses from self-identified, highly engaged fans across 186 countries. Among respondents, 61% said they engaged with Formula 1 content daily, and 70% of Gen Z respondents in the United States reported doing so. And nearly one-third of respondents say the glamour, luxury, and celebrity side of F1 enhances their fandom. 43% declared being interested in knowing more about F1 drivers off the track, with 12% who are very interested. This interest is particularly strong among fans who are Gen Z and are women. 

These figures should be read in light of the survey’s focus on engaged fans, but they illustrate how digital content has become an important part of contemporary Formula 1 fandom and how this sport is no longer limited to athletic competition and must meet new expectations from fans who are increasingly involved not only in the sport but also in paddock life. 

Moreover, one of the most significant developments in modern Formula 1 is the growing importance of storytelling. While sporting performance remains central, audiences are increasingly and more than ever invited to discover the personalities, ambitions and relationships behind the helmets. Drivers become characters that fans can follow throughout a season. 

Netflix’s “Formula 1: Drive to Survive”, first released in 2019, illustrates this shift. By offering behind-the-scenes access to drivers, team principals and the inner workings of the championship, the documentary series presents Formula 1 through a narrative lens. By focusing on the drama and rivalries in the paddock, rather than on the purely technical aspects of the sport, the series has succeeded in attracting a new audience, primarily in the US. Indeed, Formula 1, which has historically been more popular in Europe, wanted to gain visibility in the US: what better way than a Netflix series?  

However, if the series offers a fresh perspective on the sport, it has also been criticized for its lack of accuracy. Intended to be a documentary taking us behind the scenes of each season, it turns out to be more of a fictional reimagining of real events. In other words, the production chooses to prioritize drama, even if it means exaggerating certain situations or completely inventing rivalries. While this certainly makes for more exciting viewing, this over-dramatization does not do justice to the sport or its participants. Here, spectacle takes precedence over sport and distorts its true nature. 

“Formula 1: Drive to survive” poster for the 7th season (released in 2025) (© Netflix)

Formula 1 as a cultural platform 

As Formula 1 reaches audiences far beyond traditional motorsport fans, it has also become a meeting point for industries that might once have seemed distant from the racetrack. Fashion houses, musicians, artists and designers are increasingly drawn to the sport, which has become a platform through which they can reach audiences and increase their global visibility. 

The relationship between Formula 1 and luxury is one of the clearest examples of this convergence. Since Netflix and social media, in particular, have helped bring a younger and more female audience to Formula 1, luxury brands have been able to capitalize on this new momentum. Conversely, the arrival of luxury in the sports industry is helping to attract other creative industries and make Formula 1 “the place to be”. 

In 2025, LVMH began a ten-year global partnership with Formula 1, bringing together several of its brands, including Louis Vuitton, TAG Heuer and Moët Hennessy. It illustrates how Formula 1 can provide a setting in which brands express their identity through more than traditional advertising. The trophy trunk, for instance, is not merely a container for a trophy: its design, craftsmanship and visibility during a victory ceremony highlight the intertwining relationship between sports and the cultural industries. 

Louis Vuitton’s trophy trunk for the Monaco Grand Prix (© Louis Vuitton) 

The connection also reflects a broader evolution in the image of Formula 1. The paddock has increasingly become a space where sport, celebrity and fashion intersect. Stars of all kinds parade in front of the photographers as if on a red carpet. Artists, actors, and athletes take advantage of this exposure, sometimes to promote themselves rather than their interest in the race. Pop culture is part of the landscape at a Grand Prix, and celebrities have certainly caught on to that. 

The drivers themselves are the foremost ambassadors for fashion brands. Lewis Hamilton is undoubtedly in pole position at the fashion show: his consistently stylish looks are eagerly anticipated and closely scrutinized at the start of Grand Prix weekends and other important events. His passion for artistic expression through fashion has even led him to co-chair the Met Gala in 2025. The driver also played a role in establishing Formula 1 as part of today’s film culture by serving as one of the main producers of the movie “F1”, released in 2025. 

Lewis Hamilton at the Monaco Grand Prix in 2024 (© Getty Images / Ryan Pierse) 

Lewis Hamilton at the “F1” movie premiere In New York in 2025 (© Mike Coppola/Getty Images for Warner Bros. Pictures) 

Lewis Hamilton at the Miami Grand Prix in 2024 (© Getty/Song Haiyuan/MB Media) 

Visual art offers another perspective on this cultural exchange. In 2025, Racing Bulls collaborated with Nigerian artist Slawn on a special livery for the British Grand Prix. His distinctive street-art style appeared on the car, the drivers’ race suits and the team’s kit. Another example: to celebrate the opening of the new circuit in Madrid in 2026, driver Lando Norris designed a special helmet in collaboration with Madrid-based visual artist and muralist Be Fernández.  

When an artist intervenes in the car or the helmet appearance, they transform into a temporary canvas, bringing contemporary art into a space usually associated with engineering and competition. Furthermore, the artwork is not displayed in a traditional gallery: it moves at high speed, appears in broadcasts and photographs, and reaches an audience through the event itself. 

F1 VCARB cars designed by artist Slawn for British Grand Prix in 2025 (© VCARB/Red Bull Content Pool) 

F1 driver Lando Norris’s Instragam post featuring artist Be Fernández (via Lando Norris’s Instagram) 

Music has also become a more and more visible part of the Formula 1 weekend. Several Grands Prix incorporate major concerts into their programs, expanding the event beyond the race itself. The circuit organizers are reassured because, even if the race itself didn’t provide enough excitement, with overtaking, crashes, or unpredictable weather, there are always other forms of entertainment and activities to satisfy spectators looking to make the most of their experience at the circuit. 

At the 2025 Miami Grand Prix, for example, the music producer Tiësto performed above the starting grid before the formation lap and returned to perform after the podium ceremony, accompanied by other big names in electronic music like Kygo. Tiësto was also one of the artists featured on the “F1” movie soundtrack, and to celebrate this announcement, the drivers’ names above their garages were replaced with those of the artists featured on the album. 

Concert at the Hard Rock Beach Club after the Miami Grand Prix in 2025 (© AJ Shorter) 

This is a direct result of Formula 1’s transformation into a cultural event and platform: the more cultural it becomes, the more industries want to get involved. That is why creative industries have seized upon this new arena, perhaps even at the expense of what Formula 1 is first and foremost: a high-level sporting competition. 

The fine line between sport and entertainment 

So, where does sport fit into all of this? 

In addition to being a sport, Formula 1 is now also a live spectacle carefully designed to entertain, a global cultural phenomenon fuelled by storytelling and social media, and a platform where artists, designers and brands can reach audiences on an unprecedented scale. Yet, as millions of dollars are invested in entertainment, celebrity appearances and commercial partnerships, one question remains: is the spectacle beginning to overshadow the sport itself? 

Perhaps the two are not mutually exclusive. Behind the glamorous facade, the technical innovations, strategic decisions and high-level performances that define Formula 1 are still very much alive. 

At the same time, artistic collaborations can offer genuine creative opportunities, even when artistic expression and commercial interests overlap. The real challenge is therefore not to choose between sport and spectacle, but to find a balance between them. After all, Formula 1’s appeal may lie precisely in its ability to be both: an elite sporting competition and a cultural phenomenon that extends far beyond the track. 

Written by Camille Josserand 

The Opaque Market of Contemporary Art: When Art Becomes an Asset

Julie Curtiss, Delivery, (2025). 
PHOTO: MARIS HUTCHINSON. © JULIE CURTISS, COURTESY OF GAGOSIAN

Julie Curtiss, Delivery, (2025). 
PHOTO: MARIS HUTCHINSON. © JULIE CURTISS, COURTESY OF GAGOSIAN 

What happens when an artwork stops being valued primarily for what it is, and starts being valued for what it might be worth tomorrow? 

In her book Get the Picture, journalist Bianca Bosker, eager to understand the opaque rules of this market, makes herself an insider and starts to work for a gallerist, visiting artists’ studios and eventually spending time alongside painter Julie Curtiss. Curtiss is an especially revealing figure because her career illustrates one of the contemporary art market’s strangest paradoxes. 

Bosker’s account of Curtiss comes at a moment when the artist’s work has attracted intense commercial attention. Her paintings have appeared at auction at prices vastly removed from what theyoriginally sold for. One of Curtiss painting had originally sold for $600 later reaching $106,000 at auction, while another work originally sold for $1,400 later sold for $209,000.  

The figures are spectacular. But from an artist’s perspective, they can also be unsettling, « Tragicomic » as she puts it in her interview with Nate Freeman for Artnet. A market that suddenly pushes an artist’s work to extraordinary prices creates expectations that the artist may have little control over.  

Curtiss is not an isolated case. The recent trajectory of British painter Flora Yukhnovich offers another striking example. Yukhnovich’s market exploded in the early 2020s. Her first oil painting to appearat auction, at Phillips New York in 2021, was estimated at $60,000–$80,000 but sold for $1.17 million. Her auction record followed in March 2022, when Warm, Wet ‘N’ Wild sold for £2.69 million at Sotheby’s London.  

The acceleration was extraordinary. But so was the subsequent normalization. In March 2025, her small work Study sold at Christie’s Hong Kong for $35,600, compared with $60,400 when it hadpreviously sold at Sotheby’s in 2021, a 40% downfall.  

None of this means that Yukhnovich’s career has collapsed. Quite the opposite: she is represented by Hauser & Wirth and has continued to receive major institutional attention. But the contrastillustrates an essential feature of the contemporary art market. An artist’s career and the financial performance of individual works are not the same thing. 

So what happens when an artist’s market becomes a speculative market? Who benefits when a painting changes hands for ten, fifty or a hundred times its original price? And what happens when the speculation eventually turns? 

The first judge is the gallerist

For most contemporary artists, the first major gateway into the market is the gallery. 

This is the primary market: the moment when an artist’s work is sold for the first time, usually through a gallery representing them. The responsability of a good gallerist is to introduce an artist’s work to collectors and curators, organize exhibitions, participate in art fairs and determine, to a significant extent, who gets access to the work. 

That is espacially true at the highest level of the market, this system is dominated by a relatively small number of international galleries. Gagosian, David Zwirner, Hauser & Wirth, Pace, White Cube, Perrotin, Templon…But over the last decades they have also brought a true scarcity dynamic, in order for a collector to have access to an artist work, she or he has to prove they are worthy by providing a list of other artworks they have in their collection and at which gallery or auction did they buy it. The gallery therefore becomes more than a retailer. It becomes a mechanism of selection. 

An emerging artist does not simply produce a painting and wait for the market to decide what it is worth. Prices are constructed progressively through exhibitions, collector demand, institutionalvisibility, critical reception. Scarcity is part of this construction. Collectors may encounter waiting lists, limited releases and carefully controlled access to an artist’s work. 

Art fairs are the epitome of this system. For several days, galleries transform exhibition stands into highly concentrated marketplaces where collectors, curators, advisers and dealers circulate in searchof the next important name. 

But the primary market does not necessarily tell us whether a work will retain its value. 

For that, collectors look elsewhere. 

Julie Curtiss, Art Basel, Maimi (2024)

Julie Curtiss, Art Basel, Maimi (2024)

The Second Market or the soothsayer  

The secondary market begins when an artwork is resold. 

This is where auction houses become particularly important. Christie’s, Sotheby’s, Phillips and other auction specialists provide a public mechanism through which works can be bought and resold, often accompanied by estimates, previous-sale histories and extensive documentation. 

Auction prices therefore carry a particular kind of authority. A gallery may ask a certain price for an emerging artist’s work, but a public auction establishes something different: a price that a buyer wasdemonstrably willing to pay at a particular moment. 

That distinction is crucial. And that is when speculation enters the picture, quite litteraly. 

One of the clearest expressions of this speculation is flipping. A collector acquires an artwork, sometimes directly from a gallery, and resells it relatively quickly after the artist’s market has risen. The collector’s objective is not necessarily to live with the work, support the artist’s practice or build a meaningful collection. The artwork becomes an asset whose value can potentially appreciate. 

The recent auction history of Rashid Johnson provides a particularly revealing example. In 2022, a collector acquired one of his paintings for $816,500 including fees. In spring 2025, the same work soldfor $292,100, representing a 72% loss for the consignor. Artnet News documented the sale as part of a broader correction in the contemporary art market. 

The fall in price does not mean that Johnson suddenly became a less important artist. At almost exactly the same moment, another Johnson work, Two Standing Broken Men, sold at Sotheby’s for $1.76 million, well above its estimate. The two results demonstrate something that is easy to forget when looking at auction records: there is no single, permanent “value” attached to an artist. 

There are prices, moments, buyers, sellers and expectations. 

And when those expectations become disconnected from the underlying career of an artist, the correction can be brutal. 

The wider market itself has recently demonstrated this volatility. According to the Art Basel & UBS Global Art Market Report 2026, global art sales recovered by 4% in 2025 to an estimated $59.6 billion, following two consecutive years of decline. Public auction sales increased by 9%, reaching $20.7 billion. 

In other words, the contemporary art market is not simply a cultural ecosystem in which prices happen to exist. It is increasingly a financial environment in which expectations, liquidity and future resale value can shape the way art is bought, more tragic than comic.. 

The Museum as the Market’s Seal of Approval

If auction prices can accelerate an artist’s market, institutional recognition can stabilize it. 

For many artists, one of the most important milestones in a career is not a record-breaking auction but the acquisition of a work by a museum. Once a work enters a recognized institution’s permanent collection, it acquires a different kind of status. It is preserved, catalogued, researched and potentially exhibited. It becomes part of an institutional narrative of art history.  

Museum acquisition can therefore function almost like a seal of permanence. 

But museums are not neutral spaces. They do not simply reflect history either. They participate in constructing it. Their collections are shaped by curatorial choices, institutional priorities, donors, cultural politics and the availability of works on the market. 

This creates a circular system. 

The market gives visibility to certain artists. Galleries promote them. Collectors acquire them. Museums begin to exhibit and collect them. Institutional recognition then reinforces their legitimacy, which can strengthen their market position further. 

The artists who receive institutional recognition are therefore not necessarily those who were simply “discovered” by museums. Many have already passed through several layers of selection beforeentering a permanent collection. 

The museum may appear to stand outside the market. In reality, it can become one of the forces that ultimately sustains it. 

When Paintings Become Financial Products 

The transformation of art into an investment asset becomes even more explicit when financial institutions and specialized companies enter the picture. 

The contemporary art market has developed an ecosystem of investment funds, financial advisers and platforms that treat artworks not only as cultural objects but also as alternative assets. 

The Fine Art Group, founded by Philip Hoffman in 2001, is one example of a company built around art investment and art finance. 

Other models have gone further. Masterworks, for example, has developed a platform through which investors can acquire fractional interests in artworks rather than purchasing an entire workthemselves.  

The financialization of art is also visible in wealth management. Deloitte’s Art & Finance Report found that approximately 63% of surveyed wealth managers already incorporated art and collectiblesinto their services.  

This does not necessarily mean that every collector treats art as a financial product. People buy art for many reasons: pleasure, identity, cultural belonging, philanthropy, status or a genuineattachment to an artist. 

But the existence of a sophisticated financial infrastructure around art changes the environment in which those purchases take place. 

The global art market reached an estimated $59.6 billion in 2025, according to the latest Art Basel & UBS report. The figure is enormous, but the market remains remarkably difficult to read from the outside. Unlike public financial markets, there is no single transparent exchange listing every transaction and every price. Private sales are common, dealer prices are often confidential and ownershipstructures can be difficult to trace. 

This opacity is not an accident. It is one of the defining characteristics of the market. 

The Room of Requirement: Evanesco Artworks

A freeport is a special customs zone in which goods can be stored under advantageous customs and tax conditions. In the art world, these facilities have become sophisticated storage environmentscapable of housing extremely valuable collections. 

The Geneva Freeport is the most famous example. 

Among the companies operating there is Le Riche or Natural Le Coultre, a Swiss specialist in the transport, storage and management of fine art. The company states that it operates more than 35,000 square metres of secure warehouse space for artworks and valuables, including more than 25,000 square metres at the Geneva Freeport itself.  

Natural Le Coultre describes facilities equipped with constant temperature and humidity control, security systems, private storage areas, showrooms and collection-management services. The company also works with museums, galleries and collectors for transportation, installation, conservation and storage. 

The infrastructure reveals how far the art market has evolved. An artwork can be transported, insured, inventoried, photographed, stored and exchanged without necessarily being displayed publicly. 

The freeport therefore introduces an uncomfortable question : What happens when an object whose purpose is traditionally associated with visibility, contemplation and cultural transmission spendsyears hidden from view? 

The contradiction is particularly striking because artworks are simultaneously treated as objects of public cultural importance and private financial value. 

The history of Geneva’s freeport is also closely connected with the controversial figure of Yves Bouvier, the Swiss businessman and art dealer who was closely associated with Natural Le Coultre and the development of the freeport model. The dispute between Bouvier and Russian collector Dmitry Rybolovlev became one of the most notorious legal battles in the international art market, and is the subject of a mini-documentary series on Arte. 

The controversy surrounding Bouvier should not, however, be confused with the legitimate use of freeports for professional art storage. Museums, galleries and collectors have practical reasons to use such facilities. The issue is not simply that art is stored there, but that the same infrastructure can facilitate a market in which ownership can change without the work ever entering public view. 

The artwork becomes, in effect, an asset that does not need to be seen in order to have value. 

Woman Artist

The financialization of art becomes even more revealing when gender is taken into account. 

Women have made up a substantial proportion of the population entering fine-art education, yet their representation in the highest levels of the auction market remains dramatically lower. 

A major international study published in the Journal of Cultural Economics, based on auction data covering almost the entire global population of transactions for Western artists between 2000 and 2017 and more than 1,800 auction houses, found that works by women represented less than 4% of total auction sales. The study also found that only men occupied the top 40 positions by total sales value during the period examined.  

The finding becomes more complex when prices are examined. 

After controlling for characteristics such as the size and type of artwork, the auction house and the period in which the work was sold, the researchers found that works by women were actually 4.4% more expensive on average than works by men. At the very top of the market, however, works by male artists sold for 18.4% more than those by female artists for sales above $1 million.  

The problem, therefore, is not simply that collectors pay less for individual works by women. 

It is that women artists are far less likely to reach the parts of the market where enormous prices are generated in the first place. 

The latest Art Basel & UBS report also suggests that the situation is changing, although slowly. In 2025, Frida Kahlo’s El Sueño (La Cama) sold for $54.7 million at Sotheby’s New York, setting a new auction record for a female artist.  

But even a record-breaking sale cannot erase the structural imbalance. 

The question is not simply who sells for the highest price. 

It is who gets the opportunity to enter the system that produces those prices. What appears to be a neutral measurement of demand is built on decades of decisions about who is exhibited, collected, represented and remembered. 

Frida Khalo, El sueño (La cama) Julie Curtiss, Delivery, (2025). 
© FRIDA KHALO, COURTESY OF SOTHEBY’S

Frida Khalo, El sueño (La cama) Julie Curtiss, Delivery, (2025). 
© FRIDA KHALO, COURTESY OF SOTHEBY’S

The Artist’s Last Share: Can the Droit de Suite Change the Equation?

At the end of this chain, one question becomes unavoidable: how much of the financial value generated by an artwork actually returns to the person who created it? 

In France and throughout the European Union, one mechanism attempts to answer that question: the droit de suite, or resale right. 

The principle is simple. When an original work of art is professionally resold, the artist can receive a percentage of the resale price. In France, the rate is 4% on the first €50,000, then progressivelydecreases across higher price brackets, reaching 0.25% on the portion above €500,000. The total payment is capped at €12,500 per sale.  

The system is important because it recognizes something that the conventional structure of the art market tends to obscure: an artwork can generate enormous economic value long after it has left the artist’s studio. 

This immediately raises questions about transactions that take place privately, or within the increasingly sophisticated infrastructures surrounding art storage and wealth management. 

The limitation becomes particularly significant in the United States, one of the world’s largest art markets. Unlike France and the European Union, does not have a nationwide resale royalty system comparable to the European droit de suite. 

The question, then, is whether the existing mechanism goes far enough. 

If an artwork originally sold for a few thousand dollars later changes hands for hundreds of thousands, should the artist receive only a limited resale royalty? Should private transactions be covered? Should the system operate in the United States? And, perhaps more importantly, would expanding the royalty solve the real problem? 

When the Market Is as Opaque as the Artworks Are Invisible

The contemporary art market is often presented as a place where taste, talent and demand naturally meet. 

But the reality is considerably more complicated. 

An artist’s career can be shaped by galleries, collectors, fairs, auction houses, museums, financial advisers and increasingly sophisticated storage and investment infrastructures. Each institution has&its own logic. Together, they form a system capable of transforming an object created in a studio into a financial asset worth millions. 

The latest Art Basel & UBS figures show a market that remains enormous despite its volatility: $59.6 billion in global sales in 2025, with public auction sales alone reaching $20.7 billions.  

But the most important question may not be how large the market is. 

It may be what happens to art when its price becomes easier to track than its meaning. 

Julie Curtiss’s experience, Flora Yukhnovich’s spectacular rise and correction, Rashid Johnson’s contradictory auction results and the existence of freeports all reveal different aspects of the sametension. Art can be a cultural object, a personal possession, a symbol of status, an investment and a financial instrument at the same time. 

None of these functions necessarily cancels out the others. 

But when financial value becomes dominant, something changes. 

The painting may still hang on a wall. It may still provoke emotion, tell a story or challenge the viewer. Yet behind it exists another story: who bought it, who sold it, what they paid, what they expect it to be worth tomorrow and whether it will ever be seen again. 

Perhaps this is the contemporary art market’s greatest paradox. 

The more valuable a work becomes, the more carefully the market may protect it. And the more carefully it is protected, the further it can sometimes move from the public for whom art was originallymade. 

Written by Émilie  

From beauty to emotion: how art has changed its face

From beauty to emotion: how art has changed its face

Art history is often seen as a succession of aesthetic movements. However, if we examine this evolution of art from a sociological and economic perspective, we realise that it represents a genuine transformation of its very function within society. Once the benchmark of beauty and an instrument of sublimation, art has gradually broken free from classical representation to explore the realms of the sensory, the conceptual and the intimate.

From the cult of beauty to institutional commissions

For centuries, the value of a work of art was measured by its ability to achieve the ideal of beauty. Whether in Greek sculpture or the great Renaissance altarpieces, the primary aim was to uplift the viewer’s soul through magnificence, technical mastery and the harmony of forms.

Within the political economy of culture, this period corresponded to a commissioned art, shaped by those in power (the Church, the monarchy, and later the rising bourgeoisie). The artist was then a highly skilled craftsman whose work met precise criteria of social and aesthetic validation. The viewer was, above all, a passive contemplator faced with a universally accepted ideal.

The turning point of modernity: challenging the senses and the intellect

Over the centuries, and particularly with industrialisation and the emergence of modern societies, this paradigm has been shattered. The advent of photography freed painting from its mere function of mimetic representation. Artists no longer needed to faithfully reproduce reality; they chose to reinterpret it through the prism of the senses and the mind.

Thus, art shifted towards a radical subjectivity:

•    The expression of the invisible: Works such as Edvard Munch’s *The Scream* no longer sought to be ‘beautiful’; instead, they gave tangible form to auditory and psychological anguish, appealing to the viewer’s sense of hearing and sensory empathy.

•    The intellect and the concept: With the avant-garde movements of the 20th century, the art object became a vehicle for ideas, inviting the public to reflect on the world rather than simply admire technical skill.

To explore this transition in audiences and forms of cultural mediation in greater depth, you can read our article on the challenges facing contemporary cultural mediation.

What impact does this have on today’s viewer?

Today, this shift from an art of ‘visual sublimation’ to an art of ‘sensory and intellectual experience’ is profoundly transforming our relationship with artworks. Museum visitors are no longer there merely to contemplate the frozen beauty of a masterpiece, but to undergo a subjective, and at times disorienting, experience that resonates with their own perceptions.

This shift poses new challenges for cultural institutions and players in the art market, who are torn between the need to democratise access to artworks and the need to maintain a critical stance in the face of art that has become highly conceptual.